Deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur   Inhaltsverzeichnis und Abstracts: ASIEN Oktober 2005, 97

Inhaltsverzeichnis

EDITORIAL 5   REFERIERTE WISS. ARTIKEL Sonderheft zur Indischen Union. Guest Editor: Christian Wagner Karsten Frey Indiens Nuklearpolitik zwischen Sicherheitsinteressen und Statusdenken 7 Pierre Gottschlich Getting Political: Die politische Mobilisierung der Indian American Community 28 Malte Pehl Das regionale Gesicht der Nation: Kleine Parteien und Koalitionspolitik in der Indischen Union seit 1998 51   ASIEN AKTUELL: SCHWERPUNKT SÜDASIEN Rahul Peter Das Bangladesch als neue islamistische Gefahrenquelle? - Ein Analyseversuch 72 Ulrich von Schwerin Die Muttahida Majlis-e Amal - Ursachen des Wahlerfolgs der Islamisten bei den pakistanischen Wahlen im Oktober 2002 76   KONFERENZBERICHTE "Germany and Japan in Competition for FDI: Tax Systems, Regulations, and Business Strategies" Marburg, 19.-20.11.2004 (Cornelia Storz) 84 DGA-Nachwuchstagung Höchst/Odenwald, 17.-19. Juni 2005 (Christine Berg) 85 Sustainability and Urban Developments in the Megacity of Yangon, Myanmar Yangon, Myanmar, 20.-24. Juni 2005 (Frauke Kraas) 90 Orientalism and Conspiracy. Workshop in Honour of Sadik al-Azm Hamburg, 23.-24.6.2005 (Arndt Graf) 91 Jihad im Moro-Land? Interdisziplinäres Forschungskolloquium zum Konflikt um die islamische Minderheit in den Süd-Philippinen Göttingen, 4.7.2005 (Arndt Graf) 92 14th AMIC Annual Conference Beijing, China, 18.-21.07.2005 (Alexander Haentzschel) 94   REZENSIONEN Aparna Sawhney: The New Face of Environmental Management in India (Jutta Watzlawik) 95 Susan Blackburn: Woman and the State in Modern Indonesia (Genia Findeisen) 97 Peter Nas, Gerard Persoon, Rivke Jaffe (eds.): Framing Indonesian realities. Essays in symbolic anthropology in honour of Reimar Schefold (Arndt Graf) 98 Martin Lukas, David Steinhilper: Living Conditions in the Gunung Sewu karst region (Java, Indonesia) (Heidrun Unterbeck und Antje Missbach) 99 Martin Humburg, Dominik Bonatz, Claus Veltmann: Im "Land der Menschen". Der Missionar und Maler Eduard Fries und die Insel Nias (Susanne Schröter) 101 U Hla Tun Aung: Myanmar. The Study of Processes and Patterns (Frauke Kraas) 103 Mark J. Scher, Naoyuki Yoshino (eds.): Small Savings Mobilization and Asian Economic Development. The Role of Postal Financial Services (Hans H. Bass) 105 Wolfgang Hirn: Herausforderung China. Wie der chinesische Aufstieg unser Leben verändert (Thomas Weyrauch) 107 Bruce Gilley: China's Democratic Future. How It Will Happen and Where It Will Lead (Thomas Weyrauch) 107 Pop Chinese - A Cheng & Tsui Handbook of Contemporary Colloquial Expressions (Christine Berg) 108 June Grasso, Jay Corrin, Michael Kort (eds.): Modernization and Revolution in China - From the Opium Wars to World Power, 3rd Edition (Karin-Irene Eiermann) 109 Karl Pilny: Das asiatische Jahrhundert. China und Japan auf dem Weg zur neuen Weltmacht (Daniel Müller) 111 John Wong, Yongnian Zheng (ed.): The SARS Epidemic: Challenges to China's Crisis Management (Daniel Scholz) 112 Udo Steinbach, Marie-Carin von Gumppenberg (Hrsg.): Zentralasien. Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft. Ein Lexikon (Regine Reim) 113   IN ALLER KÜRZE Carl-Albrecht von Treuenfels: Zauber der Kraniche (Christine Berg) 115   AUSSTELLUNGSBERICHT UND REZENSION Shanghai Modern. 1919-1945 (Christine Berg) 116   FORSCHUNG/LEHRE/INFORMATIONEN Konferenzankündigungen 118 Informationen 120 China und die FU Berlin gründen Konfuzius-Institut 120 Koreastudien in Deutschland 120 Zur Stellung der Fremdsprache Chinesisch in chinawissenschaftlichen Studiengängen 121 Balzan Preis 2005 an Lothar Ledderose 122 Portrait: Euro-Asian Cultural Exchange and the Asia-Europe Foundation (ASEF) (Tang Shaocheng) 124 AccessAsia 133 Intensivkurse 2006 in Hamburg 134   NEUERE LITERATUR 135   AUTORINNEN UND AUTOREN DIESER AUSGABE 143   CALL FOR PAPERS 149

Abstracts

Indiens Nuklearpolitik zwischen Sicherheitsinteressen und Statusdenken (India's Nuclear Policy: Between Security Interests and Status Issues) Karsten Frey   This paper gives an analytic account of the dynamics of India's nuclear build-up. Its approach contrasts to conventional studies on the issue by explicitly accepting motives of arming behaviour that lie outside the classical strategic realm. Within the model, the structural conditions of India's regional security environment permitted India's nuclear development, but were not sufficient to make India's nuclearisation imperative for maintaining its self-preservation. The issue here is not whether nuclear weapons improve India's security, but the extent to which security considerations play a role in India's nuclear policy development. The interplay between security-related factors and unit-level variables accounts for India's dissatisfaction with the existing international nuclear order. These factors determined India's policy to seek a system change by building up its own nuclear arms. In contrast to its nuclear-armed neighbours China and Pakistan, India's nuclear policy-making takes place within the country's democratic framework. This allows an exceedingly intensive, protracted and emotional debate on the nuclear issue. Above all, the values attached to nuclear weapons are based upon the country's prestige and its status within the international community of states. The concepts of 'status' and 'prestige' are social constructs and only exist because actors attribute a certain meaning to them. The interaction between the elected leaders and the public within India's democratic set-up is not a direct one, but occurs through the intermediation of a limited number of strategic thinkers and opinion leaders, referred to as the 'strategic elite'. The rationale and dynamics behind India's struggle for international recognition and the strong, often obsessive sensitivities of India's elite with regard to perceived acts of discrimination or ignorance by the West towards their country have proven to be pivotal driving forces behind India's quest for the nuclear bomb. Getting Political: Die politische Mobilisierung der Indian American Community (Getting Political: The Political Mobilisation of the Indian American Community) Pierre Gottschlich   Over the last decade the Indian Diaspora in the United States of America has developed into an increasingly important actor in U.S. politics. The Indian American community has been able to transfer its economic and social success into political power. This article deals with the transition from a largely apolitical ethnic population primarily interested in economic well-being into a considerable and competitive political force. This development can be explained by the incremental utilization of four main resources by the Indian American community: influence through voting power and public opinion, influence through information, influence through money and campaign finance, and, finally, influence through Indian American candidates. The Indian Diaspora in the United States has made incredible progress in all four of these spheres of political power. Arguably, its most notable success was the election of Piyush 'Bobby' Jindal, a second-generation Indian American, to Congress in 2004. But despite all the good results the Indian American community has already achieved, this well-educated and highly affluent group of citizens has much greater potential; if the Indian Diaspora in the U.S. can continue to raise political awareness and to utilize its resources, it might turn out to be an increasingly influential factor in American politics. This could have important implications for domestic issues as well as for the relationship between India and the United States. Das regionale Gesicht der Nation: Kleine Parteien und Koalitionspolitik in der Indischen Union seit 1998 (The Regional Face of the Nation: Small Parties and Coalition Politics in the Indian Union since 1998) Malte Pehl   The Indian political system has seen a regionalization of party representation with a concomitant increase in the attention given to and use of regional discourse and issues - even in national elections and national politics. In the past, smaller regional parties acquired the role of both kingmaker and 'king slayer' on some notable occasions. However, while the increasing visibility of regional political forces and the growing number of politicians in the national parliament who belong to regional parties are undeniable facts, this article finds surprisingly little evidence that regional parties are systematically getting more than their proportional share of offices and influence over Union politics. The prominence that regional parties received in the wake of the United Front governments in the second half of the 1990s, when regionally based coalitions ruled at the centre at the pleasure of the Congress Party, has somewhat overstated their impending dominance as the key to power in New Delhi. On the contrary, in the matter of sharing out much sought-after ministerial posts in the national government, the largest parliamentary parties have been able to outperform their smaller parties in all three Lok Sabha periods since 1998.

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